In a revealing moment from Al Jazeera's "Business of War" series, journalist Hind Hassan confronted Atlantic Council fellow Mark J. Massa with the glaring conflict of interest posed by the think tank's funding from weapons manufacturers. As Hassan pressed him on how the Atlantic Council could maintain independence while accepting millions from arms dealers profiting from global conflicts, including nuclear escalation and the Gaza genocide, Massa froze in an excruciating silence that stretched for nearly 15 seconds.
His eventual fumbling response—acknowledging the criticism but deflecting to the organization's "Intellectual Independence Policy" without substantive rebuttal—exposes the deep-seated corruption in Washington's policy ecosystem. This evasion isn't mere awkwardness; it underscores how financial dependencies on the defense industry compromise think tanks, turning them into echo chambers for war profiteers and perpetuating cycles of violence for corporate gain.
In the shadow of Israel's horrific genocide in Gaza, a genocide that has claimed over 62,000 lives since October 2023, and according to leaked Israeli military databases, at least 83% of those killed in Gaza were civilians, the machinery of influence in Washington hums quietly but relentlessly. At the heart of this machinery lies the Atlantic Council, a prestigious think tank that shapes U.S. foreign policy through reports, events, and expert testimony.
Yet, beneath its veneer of independence, the Council is bankrolled by the very weapons manufacturers profiting from the carnage in Gaza. These firms, supplying everything from precision bombs to surveillance drones, have donated millions to the Council, raising profound questions about whose interests are truly being served: the public's pursuit of peace or the industry's bottom line and the rogue regime that is using these weapons to commit genocide and ethnically-cleanse Palestinians from their land.
Drawing on the Atlantic Council's own donor honor rolls, reports from the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, and analyses by groups like Amnesty International and the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), we can trace a clear pattern. From 2020 to 2024, the Council received at least $10.2 million from Pentagon contractors overall, averaging $2.04 million annually, as detailed in Quincy's July 2025 "Profits of War" report. A significant portion comes from companies directly involved in arming Israel for its Gaza genocide. These donations, reported in broad ranges (e.g., $100,000–$249,999), represent just 3-4% of the Council's $66-73 million annual budget but wield outsized influence, funding programs on defense innovation and NATO strategy that often echo donor agendas.
The Profiteers: A Roster of Death and Dollars
Let's name names. The following weapons manufacturers have supplied military hardware used in Israel's Gaza genocide and are documented in strikes on civilians, refugee camps, and infrastructure, and have simultaneously funneled funds to the Atlantic Council.
While exact amounts are obscured by ranges, conservative estimates for Gaza-linked firms alone hover between $1.03 million (low end) and $2.44 million (high end) annually, comprising 70-90% of total defense contributions due to heavy overlap.
Lockheed Martin ($100,000–$249,999 per year; cumulative ~$2.6 million 2019-2023): The world's largest arms dealer supplies F-35 fighter jets, AGM-114 Hellfire missiles (deployed in aerial strikes killing hundreds in Gaza), CH-53K helicopters, and C-130J aircraft for airdrops. Amnesty International has linked Lockheed munitions to civilian casualties in Jabalia refugee camp. As a top donor, Lockheed's funds support Council initiatives promoting "transatlantic defense cooperation"—code for more arms sales.
RTX (formerly Raytheon Technologies) ($100,000–$249,999 per year; cumulative ~$1 million+): Co-producer of Iron Dome interceptors and provider of missiles and guidance systems integral to Gaza genocide. RTX's precision kits have been used in strikes on hospitals and schools, per AFSC reports. Their donations align with Council advocacy for U.S. military aid to Israel, which topped $3.8 billion in 2024.
Boeing ($10,000–$99,999 per year): Supplies F-15 jets, Apache AH-64 attack helicopters, and Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) kits, converting dumb bombs into smart ones responsible for devastating strikes like the one on Jabalia.
Northrop Grumman ($100,000–$249,999 per year; cumulative ~$5.6 million 2019-2023): Provides components for aircraft, missiles, and munitions deployed in Gaza. As the Council's largest defense donor, Northrop benefits from policies the think tank endorses, such as increased Pentagon spending—$886 billion in 2024 alone.
General Atomics ($100,000–$249,999 per year): Manufacturers of MQ-9 Reaper drones used for surveillance and targeted killings in Gaza. Their tech has been implicated in over 30% of Gaza fatalities in prior conflicts, according to SIPRI data.
Elbit Systems ($25,000–$49,999 in 2023; not listed in 2024): An Israeli firm supplying Hermes drones (linked to significant Gaza deaths), Iron Sting precision mortars, and weapon cameras. As the only directly Israeli-linked donor, Elbit's contributions highlight the Council's ties to foreign arms industries, though no direct Israeli government funding appears in records.
Thales Group ($100,000–$249,999 per year): French conglomerate providing avionics, radars, and electronic warfare systems for Israeli aircraft and drones in Gaza.
Leonardo (including Leonardo DRS and Leonardo US) ($50,000–$249,999 per year): Supplies electronics, sensors, and components for helicopters and drones used in Gaza genocide.
MBDA ($10,000–$99,999 per year): European missile consortium producing parts for bombs deployed in Gaza strikes that have killed civilians.
Textron (via Bell Textron) ($50,000–$99,999 per year): Provides Bell helicopters for transport and combat in Gaza.
Rheinmetall (via American Rheinmetall Defense) ($10,000–$24,999 in 2024): Supplies tank ammunition and armored vehicles for ground invasions in Gaza.
Safran ($25,000–$49,999 per year): French firm providing engines and equipment for aircraft and helicopters in Gaza.
Beretta USA ($50,000–$99,999 per year): Supplies small arms and firearms to Israeli forces operating in Gaza.
Unsurprisingly, ALL these firms' stocks surged after October 7, 2023—Lockheed up 20%, RTX 15%—as arms transfers to Israel accelerated. The U.S. approved over $20 billion in weapons sales to Israel in 2024, much of it from these companies, per Council on Foreign Relations data. Meanwhile, their donations to the Atlantic Council—totaling an estimated $2-2.5 million annually from Gaza-linked entities—help craft narratives framing such escalations as "necessary deterrence."
The Profound Implications: Influence Over Independence
Quincy's 2025 analyses reveal how defense-funded think tanks like the Atlantic Council dominate policy debates, often advocating for military solutions that boost donor profits. In Gaza, this translates to real human suffering: Amnesty has documented U.S.-supplied weapons in unlawful attacks, while the Council's reports urge sustained support for Israel's "security needs."
The Council's "Intellectual Independence Policy" claims donors don't dictate content, but correlation tells another story. With foreign governments and contractors contributing millions—$110 million from abroad to top think tanks over five years, per Quincy—the line blurs. Why else would a think tank funded by arms dealers consistently push for NATO expansion and higher defense budgets amid global crises?
Breaking the Cycle: A Call for Transparency and Accountability
As we mark nearly two years since the Gaza genocide's escalation, it's time to demand better. Require exact donation disclosures, not vague ranges. Support independent think tanks like Quincy that reject arms money. Urge policymakers to scrutinize "experts" with industry ties. The business of war and Israel’s US-backed genocide thrives in opacity, but exposure can dismantle it.
In Gaza's ruins, we see the cost of this complicity.